Mohammad Ismail: The Kurdish National Council Has a National Project and Will Not Hand Over Its Cause to Anyone

Welat TV – Erbil

Mohammad Ismail, President of the Kurdish National Council (KNC) and Secretary of the Kurdistan Democratic Party – Syria, affirms that Syrian Kurds care deeply about their national issues, while also emphasizing that the KNC has a distinct Kurdish national project and “will not hand over its cause to anyone.”

Al-Modon newspaper in Lebanon conducted an interview with Ismail, addressing topics related to relations with the Autonomous Administration, the Syrian government, and Turkey, in addition to issues affecting displaced Kurds, their localities, and educational matters.

Below is the full interview:

Al-Modon: How do you assess the Autonomous Administration and your relationship with it?

Mohammad Ismail: In our meetings with the Democratic Union Party (PYD), Mazloum Abdi acted as the guarantor. We discussed matters with him, and he would then convey our position to them. A document was agreed upon and adopted, outlining the Kurdish vision for Syria’s future and the demands of the Kurdish people. However, some unresolved issues remained—what we called “points of contention.” In the political and administrative fields, we agreed on six out of eight points, and five contentious points remained. One of these was mandatory conscription; another concerned education; a third involved the social contract; the fourth dealt with separating the PYD from the PKK; and the fifth—and most critical—was the fate of our detainees. We agreed at the time that unless these issues were resolved, we would not sign any agreement. After the regime’s fall, we focused on a shared vision and a joint delegation. But in reality, these remain sensitive, contentious issues between us and the PYD, and we did not reach agreement because they do not want one.

Al-Modon: What about the education curricula of the Autonomous Administration and the lack of governmental or international recognition?

Ismail: Kurds are experiencing serious difficulties regarding their children’s future. The Autonomous Administration, operating under a one-party system, is attempting to leverage the educational process in negotiations with the central government in Damascus. We held multiple meetings on this matter, especially since many families left AANES regions and moved to Aleppo or Damascus to secure proper schooling for their children. One of our proposals was to allow students to continue their studies until an agreement is reached or to adopt UN curricula. But instead, students are being used as pressure tools for the recognition of university degrees. We reject this approach because it does not serve the interests of our people nor those of Syria as a whole. For instance, in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq, which is autonomous, there are Arabic curricula and UN curricula that people are free to choose from. We support keeping education away from political disputes.

Al-Modon: Is there a possibility for the return of the Roj Peshmerga and integrating them into a Syrian national structure such as the Ministry of Defense?

Ismail: We discussed the Roj Peshmerga extensively. The same international coalition that trained the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) also trained the Roj Peshmerga and allocated a budget for them. In my view, the Roj Peshmerga—trained and organized in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq after fighting ISIS in Iraq—number over seven thousand fighters according to some estimates. They consist of Syrian Kurdish soldiers and officers who defected from the former regime’s army. They are the sons of Syria and will ultimately return to it.

Al-Modon: What about relations with other Syrian components?

Ismail: We are Syrians and care about our country’s interests. But naturally, we may focus more on our own people because of the injustices they have suffered. Perhaps we have not issued enough statements regarding other Syrian regions and the hardships faced there; but at the same time, others also ignored what happened to us, focusing only on their own areas. Still, we affirm that we are Syrians as much as we are Kurdish nationalists. We will not cause concern to neighboring countries. Yet the KNC has a Kurdish national project, and we will not hand our cause to anyone or work under anyone. We engage with all sides, but our cause is ours alone, and we are responsible for it. We will achieve the aspirations of our people because they have made great sacrifices.

Al-Modon: How do you assess the new Syrian government since the regime’s fall and your relationship with it?

Ismail: Regarding the current transitional government, we initially heard optimistic statements and responded positively to them. But now they are stalling due to technical issues, and Kurdish rights have not yet been addressed. This is causing concern among the Kurdish people. We will not remain idle. We have options, and our people—who endured the practices of the previous regime—are resilient. We were the only opposition force that remained inside Syria alongside our people and were a model of Syrian opposition that challenged the former regime. Today, our people will not go backward, and the Kurdish cause will not be erased. Kurds have become a reality in Syria. We are not opposition today. Our hand is extended for dialogue and negotiation, and our demands are clear. Some of our people aligned with the SDF oppose us on issues such as how they treat Druze in Suwayda, Alawites on the coast, and other matters. We support dialogue and negotiation. We have not declared ourselves as opposition; and if we ever do, it will be for the Kurdish cause—not for the Druze, with all due respect to them and their sacrifices.

Al-Modon: What about internationalizing the Kurdish cause?

Ismail: We conveyed our people’s voice within the opposition and explained our cause to global public opinion, to states involved in Syria, and to research centers focused on political issues. The Kurdish people experienced four different governing authorities: first the Syrian government (the former regime), then the Salvation Government, then the Interim Government, and finally the Autonomous Administration. The current government is acceptable compared to the others, which were marred by corruption. In fact, the current government represents the best experience among them so far.

Al-Modon: Will the displaced people of Afrin, Sari Kaniye, and Gire Spi return?

Ismail: The situation in Afrin is now better. There has been noticeable improvement, and IDPs are returning to their villages. But in Sari Kaniye and Gire Spi, the situation is different. For example, in Sari Kaniye, only forty Kurds remain out of sixty thousand residents. Others have seized the homes and shops of the displaced, making their return subject to political bargaining and tension, especially due to disputes between Turkey and the SDF. As Kurds, we welcome a unified position. We are open to negotiations and have expressed dissatisfaction with the tensions. We are confident that negotiation will lead to a solution. But Turkey has not taken any step in this direction. The peace process between Turkey and Abdullah Ocalan is moving slowly. If progress were made, it would positively impact the situation of Kurds in Syria. Ultimately, it is an international matter that will be resolved, but gradually—and its effects will undoubtedly shape the future of Syrian Kurds.

Source: Al-Modon Newspaper